Despite all of Brazil's accomplishments in surging ahead of Venezuela in Latin America, Da Silva has eschewed being labeled a leader in the region. "We are not trying to find a leader in Latin America," he said in the September interview. "We don't need a leader. I am not worried about being the leader of anything. What I want is to govern my country well."
The US may well have interfered in Venezuela's internal affairs, but Chavez is still a dangerous man and a poor national leader. Da Silva has the makings of a great one.
President Hugo Chávez of Venezuela and President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of Brazil clasped hands here at a summit meeting late last month, as employees of Venezuela's state oil company raised their fists and shouted Cuban-inspired socialist slogans before the cameras.
It was an image of solidarity that might once have alarmed Washington, which has seen the United States' standing steadily eroded by a shift toward left-leaning, populist leaders across the region in the last decade.
But the carefully orchestrated event disguised a more recent turn in Latin America that presents new opportunities for the United States: Da Silva has steadily peeled himself away from Venezuela's leader and quietly supplanted him as he nurtures Brazil into a regional powerhouse.
Today the two leaders, often partners but sometimes rivals, offer starkly different paths toward development, and it is Brazil's milder and more pragmatic approach that appears ascendant. Amid the decline of American influence in the region, the Brazilian president is discreetly outflanking Chávez at almost every turn in the struggle for leadership in South America.
Chávez has been nationalizing foreign companies and trying to assemble an anti-American bloc of nations. His regional credentials suffered last week, though, when his ideological rival, President Álvaro Uribe of Colombia, organized a dramatic rescue of 15 hostages held in the jungle by Colombian rebels.
Da Silva has diversified Brazil's already strong industrial base and created an ample political coalition with almost a dozen neighbors. Huge recent oil discoveries in Brazilian waters have allowed him to blunt Venezuela's efforts to use its oil largess to win influence. Venezuela's economy has shown signs of stumbling, while its dependence on trade with Brazil has intensified.
The key to Brazil's success has been a lucky confluence of global economic trends, like rising demand for commodities like soybeans and sugar-based ethanol, but also the quiet stewardship of Da Silva, a former auto plant worker. He has raised Brazil's profile across the region in part by adopting a less confrontational approach to Chávez than that of the United States.
Instead of publicly squaring off with Chávez, even when he has threatened Brazilian interests, Da Silva taps into the kinship of the left and lavishes praise on him. Da Silva went so far as to describe Chávez recently in the German magazine Der Spiegel as Venezuela's "best president in a century."
"The pragmatic side of Lula, the union leader who was always a negotiator, has paid off," said Kenneth Maxwell, a historian at Harvard University and a columnist for the Brazilian newspaper Folha de São Paulo.
"While Chávez grabs the headlines, the debate over whether Brazil is becoming a regional power is moot," he said. "Brazil has actually made it to that level, but in a very nonbombastic way."
While high oil prices have bolstered the theatricality of Chávez's maverick policies, Venezuela's most pervasive influence remains limited to a handful of the region's poorest nations — Bolivia, Cuba, Dominica and Nicaragua — members of ALBA, a trade alliance championed by Chávez. Another Chávez ally, Ecuador, is not a member. Meanwhile, Da Silva's unexpected embrace of the market-friendly ideas begun by his predecessor, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, has emphasized how heterogeneous political thinking has become in Latin America, even on the left.
Publicly, the Brazilian president has been quick to defend Chávez, even as privately he has sought to temper the Venezuelan president's sometimes inflammatory remarks.
In an interview in September, Da Silva said that the rhetoric "worked with the reality of Venezuelan politics" and that Chávez's anti-Americanism was rooted in the Venezuelan leader's unshakable belief that the Bush administration was behind a 2002 coup attempt. "He has his reasons," Da Silva said.
But while Chávez turned harder to the left after his brief ouster in 2002, Da Silva shifted to the center once in power, surprising many skeptics. His lighter touch has greased the way for Brazil in countries as varied as Cuba, the Socialist bastion to which Venezuela provides a lifeline of subsidized oil, and Colombia, a top United States military ally whose relations with Venezuela have been frosty in recent months.
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